This article inspects the political, social, and religious dominion on curriculum policy and compiled textbooks. It lays bare the importance of historiography in creating and transmitting national and political ideologies.
Actually, you will approach knowledge as often contested and subject to various social and political forces.
This study focuses on three nations of the Indian Subcontinent: India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, which share thousands of years of history but have been enjoying distinctly different visions of the past after 1947, often opposing visions of the past. In this context, historical interpretations, often characterized by exclusion, elision, and ornamentation, may become standardized narratives used as legitimacy for ethnic violence and imposed military brinkmanship. This study tries to look into the sources of disputes that characterize the relationships between these often hostile nations where textbooks may be composed as a site for negatively “othering” their neighbors.
With an attempt to manipulate through biased interpretation, history textbooks are narrated with the intent of developing students into patriotic and productive citizens, reinforcing national ideologies. When history is considered as a tool to mold a nation’s youth, interpretations of historical events are often manipulated in response to current events, as heroes are despised as villains across the borders of neighboring countries, and opposing political groups within nations vie to control the grand narrative of the nation.
History, transformation, and the relationship of contemporary politics with education
Pre-British rule:
During the rule of the Sena dynasty and the Pala dynasty, the scope of knowledge and literary practice in this subcontinent was very small and consisted of ambitious works centered around Buddhist monasteries and temples.
After the arrival of the Muslim rulers, the state-run madrasa education system gradually expanded here for the first time. The curriculum included Arabic language and literature, exegesis of the Holy Quran, traditions of the Holy Prophet (Peace be upon him), Islamic jurisprudence, logic, scholastic philosophy, and mysticism. Later, it debuted, adding some salient features like science, mathematics, geometry, and astronomy, namely ‘Dars-e-Nizami.’
British rule:
To understand the history of Bangladesh’s education policy, the various education policies of the British and Pakistani periods and the Education Commission also need to be taken into account.
The formalized form of education with which we are familiar today, in this subcontinent, was founded by Gace Charles Grant, an employee of the British East India Company. The British in the Indian subcontinent never expanded education intending to achieve the overall welfare of the local people rather History testifies to the contrary—that they focused on the spread of education in the subcontinent with the primary objective of creating a population to support their interest. They realized the need for the expansion of education long after the beginning of their rule in the subcontinent. By that time, the Christian missionaries had done the work of spreading religion as well as expanding education in 1813. For the first time in company governance, education was organized into a formal process through the Companies Charter Act, or Charter Act, begetting many debates.
It took only a few moments to prove that education is nothing outside the social system and governance system. In 1835, Lord Thomas Macleay asserted that the Company needed some Indian men who would essentially act as a bridge between them and the Company that governed them, that is, the Indians. Meaning, education was not their primary motto; the company arranged such training from the necessity of defending their interests. Maclay further asserted that these people would be Indian in body and blood but British in mind. That means, not only geographically, but psychologically, colonization is also the main objective of them. For this objective, Maclay declared the English language as the medium of education. On the one hand, such various decisions of the company on education had made the prevailing local education system, like Dars-e-Nizami and others in the entire Indian subcontinent, as worthless and marginalized.
Later on, Wood’s Despatch on Education, written by Charles Wood in 1854, is considered by many to be the Magna Carta of education in the subcontinent, superseding McCall’s educational policy. Wood’s Despatch fully established Western education in the Indian subcontinent, paving the way for the establishment of universities. The British were finally able to successfully replace the policy of coercion and subjugation there.
Continuity is maintained by the Hunter Commission of 1882, Lord Curzon’s Education Reforms of 1904, the Sadler Commission of 1919, and most recently in 1944. Although the John Sargent Scheme of 1940 provided various recommendations and decisions for the development of education, they essentially accelerated the development of Western education. Western education has become dominant in the region, pushing back local-level education and devaluing local knowledge.
Educational policy during the Pakistani regime
It is true that when India was divided, there was an apparent break in that line, but it can be seen that the history of the education policy of the Pakistani administration is the history of wanting to exploit East Bengal through the education of West Pakistan. The 29 major education commissions or education policies of the British administration made people angry, if not outright. He protested that the six education policies of the Pakistani government made people more rebellious than that. An example of how education can be designed to subjugate a population is the education policies of the Pakistani government.
Maulana Akram Khan Committee of 1951, Ataur Rahman Khan Commission of 1957, SM Sharif Commission of 1959, Hamidur Rahman Commission of 1966 Sean, neither the Air Marshal M Noor Khan Commission of 1969 nor the Shamsul Haque Commission of 1970 was acceptable to the people of Bangladesh. In just 23 years, the history of creating these commissions and several small committees will be stressed as a history of trying to create disparity and exploit through education and abdicating these.
Education policies after the liberation period: Political exercises
The Education Commission was formed for the first time in independent Bangladesh in 1972, and Dr. Qudrat-i-Khuda presides. The commission submitted its report in 1974, taking into account the then-limited resources, state policy, and people’s aspirations of a war-torn country. Later, the Interim Education Policy of 1979 or the recommendations of the Majid Khan Commission Report of 1983 could not be implemented due to popular protests, having various elements of creating discrimination. The subsequent education commission and committee, like the Mofiz Uddin Ahmed Commission Report (1988) and the Professor M. Shamsul Haque-led Education Policy Formulation Committee (1997),
MA Bari Commission (2002) and Maniruzzaman Mia Commission (2003) didn’t see the face of the light for political interference.
Finally, in 2009, the National Education Committee, headed by Professor Kabir Chowdhury, formulated a new education policy based on the report of the Education Commission of 1974 and the education policy of 2000. The government adopted the slightly modified education policy in the National Parliament in 2010. This National Education Policy of 2010 is Bangladesh’s second and current education policy, which has been in force for more than 10 years.
Despite several criticisms, including biased history books, it was expected that the government would implement the education policy measures adopted in 2010, but it was delayed, and political pressure led to modifications.
In 2021, under the Sheikh Hasina government, the National Curriculum 2021 was introduced to enhance the quality of education in Bangladesh. The new curriculum recommended implementing continuous assessment and revising the grading system in secondary education, set to commence in 2023. However, from its inception, the curriculum faced criticism for being unfledged and not adequately aligned with the country’s needs. Additionally, the curriculum was seen as lacking sufficient focus on fostering students’ mental, physical, and skill development. That’s why many often find the smell of conspiracy in nullifying talents and deviating generations from morality.
Have others kept their education systems free from politics?
Pakistan perspective
Pakistan is a postcolonial nation-state whose complex and diverse society makes it an ideal context for fathoming the spirit of pluralism and developing a respect for diversity as a source of strength, not a weakness or menace.
Pakistan is a security state, and like all other sectors, education is also under the influence of the country’s militarized dictation. The education system seems aristocratic in nature; only a small portion of society (elites) have access to quality education. The majority is fed with propaganda that apotheosizes extremism and militancy. The curriculum wing of the intelligence agency makes sure to keep the common Pakistani devoid of education that promotes liberalism and pluralistic values. So, it is frequently said that extremism and disinformation are the salient features of Pakistan’s education system, assisting the ruling group.
Indian perspective
India is a vast state of 1.4 billion people divided into 29 provinces, consisting of communal and racial diversity.
The parallel coexistence of central and provincial territory in education has a visible functional role but also a less visible political and even less visible sociocultural role. Several decisions announced since the beginning of 2022 enable us to espy these uneven and simultaneous roles. Decisions taken in some of the states are quite noticeably related to imminent assembly elections.
Since the beginning of 2022, education has been a busy area of politics and bureaucratic action. In Karnataka, a political approach was backed by a circular from the education department and further reinforced by a court order. In Gujarat, two decisions taken by the government were announced in the assembly: first, to start teaching English from Classes 1 and 2, and second, to add the Bhagavad Gita from Class 6 upwards. At the national level, the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) announced its decision to deduct certain topics from the syllabus of political science followed in affiliated schools.
American perspective
An American states, “There is no consent upon a role for political influences in our school system. Politics should not be engaged in the American education system. Politicians have no business interfering in the education system of this country. Unfortunately, Christian nationalists, white supremacists, and radicalized Republicans insist on challenging American education for no other reason than to score political points with the ignorant, as well as those who distrust subjects like science, technology, history, and literature.”
This is just a corrupt system and should be changed. But politicians need to stay away from the classroom, just as they should stay out of our personal lives and choices.
Almost every certain educational policy is either directly or indirectly afflicted with political interference. Ruling bodies always misuse power and executive systems to establish their ideology and visions to sustain their rule.
